Two decades in politics is a long time. Leaders keep learning, but eventually they must account for their record and make hard choices. Moreover, the fast-changing political world won't wait forever. Ironically, after 20 years in active politics—including not taking the top job in India's oldest party, the Indian National Congress—Rahul Gandhi remains at a crossroads. Consequently, he seems unsure which path to take. He has become the party's unofficial boss, even as his aides insist that Mallikarjun Kharge is the duly elected president. No one denies the facts, but reality on the ground tells a different story. Mallikarjun Kharge has been Congress president for over three years after beating Shashi Tharoor, with full backing from Rahul Gandhi and his family. Furthermore, Sonia Gandhi openly supported Kharge. Since then, Tharoor—doubted by Gandhi loyalists—has been labeled a rebel. In practice, Rahul Gandhi remains the real boss, pulling the strings. Everything Rahul did in these three years bears his mark. Equally, everything he didn't do also bears his mark, and that dual responsibility shapes both credit and blame.
Recently, the Congress found a new
alliance partner and a new lease of life in South India in the assembly
elections. However, that alone is insufficient to win the 2029 Lok Sabha
elections. Therefore, ignoring the need to revive the party won't help if the
strategy is only to come to power via alliance partners. This contradiction is
dangerous and badly needs a fix. Worse still, the momentum from Rahul Gandhi's
tough Bharat Jodo Yatras (BJYs) is fading fast. Without a clear, follow-up
plan, divided party units—from the national All India Congress Committee (AICC)
down to state units—aren't spreading Gandhi's message to the grassroots.
Moreover, BJP sympathizers inside Congress are effectively running some state
Congress committees (PCCs) in many places, creating a governance and
organisational challenge.
If this points to Rahul Gandhi's
weaknesses, it also reflects failures within his close team—either to keep the
momentum from those huge events alive on the ground or to provide candid,
strong advice. Indeed, party insiders at the AICC often complain—and the public
frequently asks—"Who are Rahul Gandhi's advisers?" Frankly, no one
knows. Another big gripe is how hard it is to reach Gandhi and his AICC team,
especially general secretary (organisation) K. C. Venugopal. This applies to
party leaders, ordinary workers, and the general public. In short, it's a
problem only Rahul Gandhi himself can fix. He has a complex personality and
strong knowledge, but he often forgets that top leaders must lead from the
front through visible actions as well as strategy. His persistent advocacy for
marginalized groups is admirable and defines part of his political identity.
Nevertheless, his primary objective must be broader: to win back the party's
core supporters, especially the urban and aspirational middle class who once formed
Congress's backbone.
Today, Indian politics has changed fast
and is now overwhelmingly governed by social media narratives. The Congress
isn't prepared to respond cohesively or stay ahead of these rapid shifts. In
contrast, the BJP and Modi's team are quick with damage control and adept at
reframing debates. Therefore, Congress and Rahul Gandhi must shed complacency
if they want to be competitive. He cannot appear as a lone warrior—he needs to
build and lead a competent, visible team quickly and decisively. Indecision and
secrecy within the AICC have exacerbated organizational challenges.
While Modi keeps his distance from many
BJP workers, his popularity endures because the BJP's organisation provides
solid backing and a willingness to make tough calls. Consequently, an
opposition leader like Rahul—constantly watched by rivals—cannot ignore
internal challenges or the need to adapt. For example, the J&K Congress
renaming the Jammu office as ‘Rajiv Bhawan’ shows a symbolic disconnect—the new
generation may not connect with Rajiv Gandhi the same way, having grown up
watching Narendra Modi since 2014. Ultimately, reviving Congress requires
courage, conviction, strength, and flexibility; therefore, political reality
must be honestly scrutinised against political expectations for the party to
recover.