Congress Reality Versus Expectations

 Two decades in politics is a long time. Leaders keep learning, but eventually they must account for their record and make hard choices. Moreover, the fast-changing political world won't wait forever. Ironically, after 20 years in active politics—including not taking the top job in India's oldest party, the Indian National Congress—Rahul Gandhi remains at a crossroads. Consequently, he seems unsure which path to take. He has become the party's unofficial boss, even as his aides insist that Mallikarjun Kharge is the duly elected president. No one denies the facts, but reality on the ground tells a different story. Mallikarjun Kharge has been Congress president for over three years after beating Shashi Tharoor, with full backing from Rahul Gandhi and his family. Furthermore, Sonia Gandhi openly supported Kharge. Since then, Tharoor—doubted by Gandhi loyalists—has been labeled a rebel. In practice, Rahul Gandhi remains the real boss, pulling the strings. Everything Rahul did in these three years bears his mark. Equally, everything he didn't do also bears his mark, and that dual responsibility shapes both credit and blame.

Recently, the Congress found a new alliance partner and a new lease of life in South India in the assembly elections. However, that alone is insufficient to win the 2029 Lok Sabha elections. Therefore, ignoring the need to revive the party won't help if the strategy is only to come to power via alliance partners. This contradiction is dangerous and badly needs a fix. Worse still, the momentum from Rahul Gandhi's tough Bharat Jodo Yatras (BJYs) is fading fast. Without a clear, follow-up plan, divided party units—from the national All India Congress Committee (AICC) down to state units—aren't spreading Gandhi's message to the grassroots. Moreover, BJP sympathizers inside Congress are effectively running some state Congress committees (PCCs) in many places, creating a governance and organisational challenge.

If this points to Rahul Gandhi's weaknesses, it also reflects failures within his close team—either to keep the momentum from those huge events alive on the ground or to provide candid, strong advice. Indeed, party insiders at the AICC often complain—and the public frequently asks—"Who are Rahul Gandhi's advisers?" Frankly, no one knows. Another big gripe is how hard it is to reach Gandhi and his AICC team, especially general secretary (organisation) K. C. Venugopal. This applies to party leaders, ordinary workers, and the general public. In short, it's a problem only Rahul Gandhi himself can fix. He has a complex personality and strong knowledge, but he often forgets that top leaders must lead from the front through visible actions as well as strategy. His persistent advocacy for marginalized groups is admirable and defines part of his political identity. Nevertheless, his primary objective must be broader: to win back the party's core supporters, especially the urban and aspirational middle class who once formed Congress's backbone.

Today, Indian politics has changed fast and is now overwhelmingly governed by social media narratives. The Congress isn't prepared to respond cohesively or stay ahead of these rapid shifts. In contrast, the BJP and Modi's team are quick with damage control and adept at reframing debates. Therefore, Congress and Rahul Gandhi must shed complacency if they want to be competitive. He cannot appear as a lone warrior—he needs to build and lead a competent, visible team quickly and decisively. Indecision and secrecy within the AICC have exacerbated organizational challenges.

While Modi keeps his distance from many BJP workers, his popularity endures because the BJP's organisation provides solid backing and a willingness to make tough calls. Consequently, an opposition leader like Rahul—constantly watched by rivals—cannot ignore internal challenges or the need to adapt. For example, the J&K Congress renaming the Jammu office as ‘Rajiv Bhawan’ shows a symbolic disconnect—the new generation may not connect with Rajiv Gandhi the same way, having grown up watching Narendra Modi since 2014. Ultimately, reviving Congress requires courage, conviction, strength, and flexibility; therefore, political reality must be honestly scrutinised against political expectations for the party to recover.

New Lawyers Struggle To Survive

Ever since demands have been raised to establish a National Law University (NLU) campus in Jammu, I have wondered whether its graduates—trained at this prestigious institution—will practice in J&K. I am not optimistic. Another question stays; will they transform Jammu's legal system by making professional life economically viable for graduates from other law colleges? I lack answer to this question. These questions came to my mind because in India law degrees promise grand dreams and prestigious careers, but the vast majority of students face economically extremely challenging and disappointing outcomes.

As a law graduate myself and then having taught law in a college, I have witnessed this bitter truth through close observations of peers and my numerous students who graduated with law degrees. Even after diligently completing several internships at law firms or courts, law graduates yet find themselves stuck in entry-level junior lawyer positions that pay a meager stipend of just ₹5,000 to ₹15,000 per month in J&K—particularly those who studied at mid-tier law institutions in or outside Jammu and Kashmir. These widespread experiences clearly reveal a deeply rooted and systemic problem within our country's legal education and employment framework of law graduates.

Additionally, India presently has about close to 2,000 law colleges that collectively produce around 100,000 new law graduates each year, but unfortunately, only roughly 4,000 of these graduates come from the prestigious group of top National Law Universities, often referred to as NLUs. India has an astonishing total of around 20 lakh lawyers, but a large segment of them either sits inactive without engaging in legal practice or find it difficult to make a modest living—indicating that the genuine count of fully active and employed lawyers is probably  near to only 13-14 lakh at most. Due to this oversupply, the most renowned top law firms carefully choose only a small number of exceptional students annually—for instance, merely 555 recruits from the whole 2025 graduating cohort of 100,000 students. Likewise, obtaining positions in the judiciary is an even greater risk, as the chances of success are extremely slim despite more than 5,000 open vacancies needing to be filled.

Furthermore, I recognize that for first-generation lawyers in any family practicing law in courts involves a tough 7-10-year journey characterized by persistently low salaries and unending hard work, which understandably deters numerous young hopefuls, particularly when paired with the soaring cost of living in today’s urban environments. Consequently, recent graduates opting to begin their careers in court litigation have to accept starting salaries ranging from ₹3,000 to ₹14,000 monthly, which inevitably compels many to pursue unrelated side jobs to make ends meet or move back in their family businesses due to financial constraints.

Conversely, I have observed that alumni from prestigious NLUs tend to excel financially and experience superior work opportunities. For example, the National Law School of India University in Bengaluru students get an average salary package of ₹16 lakh per year, alongside commendable placement statistics; NLU Delhi reaches even greater numbers with an average of ₹18 lakh; whereas West Bengal National University of Juridical Sciences (WBNUJS) in Kolkata distinguishes itself with an average salary of ₹20 lakh and nearly flawless placement success. Nevertheless, the scenario shifts significantly for mid-tier NLUs, as average salaries fall to ₹7-14 lakh per year and fewer students find employment. It turns particularly bleak for students from smaller private colleges, who frequently only manage to earn ₹2-6 lakh with poor job prospects.

Moreover, graduates from institutions not ranked among the top 10 NLUs face a true and persistent crisis—a scenario that is entirely different from the wider prospects accessible to engineering graduates, who enjoy significantly varied job options—mainly because opportunities are influenced more by the perceived prestige of their college than by real skills or competencies. Therefore, it would be wise for new law graduates to contemplate turning towards different career options such as legal consulting, corporate compliance, public policy roles, or freelance legal advising—fields where transferable skills like strong analytical reasoning, ethical decision-making, and effective communication are particularly valuable.

Above all else, the key advice is to grab hold of any paying job opportunity that comes your way first and foremost, simply to achieve basic financial independence, and then strategically build and advance from that foundation over time.  To truly fix this broken system, we urgently need a set of practical, actionable steps implemented across the country. For students and recent graduates, the focus should be on prioritizing practical skills over mere academic degrees. Next in line, building a strong professional network early on is crucial—whether by joining active online lawyer communities on platforms like LinkedIn, participating in free webinars hosted by industry experts, or actively seeking out mentors from mid-sized law firms who can provide real-world guidance.

Also, it pays to keep an eye on non-traditional, non-courtroom career paths such as contract drafting for innovative startups, or policy advocacy roles within non-governmental organizations—these avenues often deliver better and quicker financial returns compared to the slow grind of litigation. Likewise, law schools should assume accountability by specifically establishing collaborations and agreements with law firms and corporations to ensure compulsory internships for every student and highest placement opportunities. Simultaneously, it is crucial to adopt intelligent strategies to reduce student enrollment in ineffective or struggling colleges for which government and the Bar Council of India should adopt a strong stance on quality control by closing or merging institutions that do not meet standards and required job placement records as a prerequisite for renewing operating approvals. It is also crucial to enhance regular recruitment openings for judicial roles without long delays.

Finally, law firms and big companies can make a big difference by doing better when it comes to training new talent. Instead of using unpaid or unfair internships, they should create paid apprenticeship programs that have clear steps leading to full-time jobs. Overall, making better rules for colleges, using teaching methods that focus on skills and real-world practice will help the whole legal system improve. This would let law become a rewarding and realistic career choice again for young, ambitious people. Otherwise, more graduates will face the same struggles and disappointments.